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BORN: 1822 in Franklin City, TN.
DIED: 1872 in Memphis, TN
CAMPAIGNS: Shiloh, Kentucky, Perryville, Stones River,
Chickamauga, Chattanooga, Ezra Church and Jonesborough.
Born in Franklin County, Tennessee, on February 16, 1822, Anderson grew up in Mississippi. Although he attended college briefly in southwest Pennsylvania, a family financial crisis forced him to withdraw before graduation. Called "Patton" by his associates, he began studying and practicing medicine. Later, he fought in the Mexican War, served in the Mississippi legislature, as a U.S. marshal for Washington Territory, and was elected to the U.S. Congress. After two years, he moved to Florida, set up a plantation near Monticello, and participated in the Florida state secession convention. When war broke out, Anderson was appointed a colonel, reaching the rank of brigadier general on February 10, 1862. Anderson led his brigade at the Battle of Shiloh, then took command of the Army of Tennessee for the Kentucky Campaign and the Battle of Perryville, without a promotion. At the Battle of Stone's River, Anderson led Col. Edward Walthall's brigade in a successful charge on Federal artillery. During the fighting around Chickamauga and Chattanooga, he held divisional command, and was officially promoted to major general on February 17, 1864. After being transferred from the Western theater, he was given command of the small Confederate District of Florida. He was recalled to the Army of Tennessee in July 1964, and served in Georgia, at the Battles of Ezra Church, in small combat at Utoy Creek, and the Battle of Jonesborough. At Jonesborough, he was injured in the chest, and removed from command. Anderson went against doctors' order and joined his troops because of his army's reverses. After fighting in their last battles in the Carolinas, he was surrendered and paroled with his troops at Greensborough, North Carolina, in the spring of 1865. After the war, Anderson lived in Memphis, Tennessee, unable to work actively because of his war wound. He edited a small agricultural newspaper and died in dignified poverty on September 20, 1872.

James Patton Anderson

James Patton Anderson (16 February 1822 – 20 September 1872) was a member of the US House of Representatives (D) from the Washington Territory's at-large congressional district from 4 March 1855 to 3 March 1857, succeeding Isaac Stevens and preceding Columbia Lancaster, as well as a Major-General of the Confederate States Army during the American Civil War.

Birth of Joseph Finegan, Confederate General

Joseph Finegan, Irish-born American businessman and brigadier general for the Confederate States Army during the American Civil War, is born on November 17, 1814 at Clones, County Monaghan. From 1862 to 1864 he commands Confederate forces operating in middle and east Florida, ultimately leading the Confederate victory at the Battle of Olustee, the state’s only major battle.

Finegan comes to Florida in the 1830s, first establishing a sawmill at Jacksonville and later a law practice at Fernandina, where he becomes the business partner of David Levy Yulee and begins construction of the Florida Railroad to speed transportation of goods and people from the new state’s east coast to the Gulf of Mexico.

Finegan’s successes are perhaps attributable to his first marriage on July 28, 1842, to the widow Rebecca Smith Travers. Her sister, Mary Martha Smith, is the wife of Florida’s territorial governor, Robert Raymond Reid, an appointee of President Martin Van Buren. In 1852, he is a member of the Committee of Vigilance and Safety of Jacksonville, Florida.

By the outbreak of the American Civil War, Finegan had built his family a forty-room mansion in Fernandina on the site of the modern Atlantic Elementary School. At Florida’s secession convention, he represents Nassau County alongside James G. Cooper.

In April 1862, Finegan assumes command of the District of Middle and Eastern Florida from Brigadier General James H. Trapier. Soon thereafter, he suffers some embarrassment surrounding the wreck of the blockade runner Kate at Mosquito Inlet (the modern Ponce de Leon Inlet). Her cargo of rifles, ammunition, medical supplies, blankets, and shoes is plundered by civilians. Attempts to recover these items takes months before he issues a public appeal. Eventually, most of the rifles are found, but the other supplies are never recovered. Also in 1862, recognizing the importance of Florida beef to the Confederate cause, he gives cattle baron Jacob Summerlin permission to select thirty men from the state troops under his command to assist in rounding up herds to drive north.

At this time, the principal Confederate military post in east Florida is dubbed “Camp Finegan” to honor the state’s highest-ranking officer. It is about seven miles west of Jacksonville, south of the rail line near modern Marietta.

In 1863, Finegan complains of the large quantity of rum making its way from the West Indies into Florida. Smugglers are buying it in Cuba for a mere seventeen cents per gallon, only to sell it in the blockaded state for twenty-five dollars per gallon. He urges Governor John Milton to confiscate the “vile article” and destroy it before it can impact army and civilian morals.

In February 1864, General P. G. T. Beauregard begins rushing reinforcements to Finegan after Confederate officials become aware of a build-up of Union Army troops in the occupied city of Jacksonville. As Florida is a vital supply route and source of beef to the other southern states, they cannot allow it to fall completely into Union hands.

On February 20, 1864, Finegan stops a Union Army advance from Jacksonville under General Truman Seymour that is intent upon capturing the state capitol at Tallahassee. Their two armies clash at the Battle of Olustee, where Finegan’s men defeat the Union Army and force them to flee back beyond the St. Johns River. Critics have faulted Finegan for failing to exploit his victory by pursuing his retreating enemy, contenting himself by salvaging their arms and ammunition from the battlefield. His victory, however, is one rare bright spot in an otherwise gloomy year for the dying Confederacy.

Some Finegan detractors believe he did little more to contribute to the Confederate victory at Olustee than to shuttle troops forward to General Alfred H. Colquitt of Georgia, whom they credit for thwarting the Union Army advance. They point out that Finegan was quickly relieved of his command over the state troops, replaced by Major General James Patton Anderson. But this change in command is necessary as Finegan is ordered to lead the “Florida Brigade” in the Army of Northern Virginia, where he serves effectively until near the end of the war.

Finegan returns to Fernandina after the war to discover his mansion has been seized by the Freedmen’s Bureau for use as an orphanage and school for black children. It takes some legal wrangling, but he is eventually able to recover this property. He has to sell most of his lands along Lake Monroe to Henry Shelton Sanford for $18,200 to pay his attorneys and other creditors. He does retain a home site at Silver Lake. Adding to his sorrows is the untimely death of his son Rutledge on April 4, 1871, precipitating a move to Savannah, Georgia. There, he feels at home with the large Irish population and works as a cotton broker.

It is while living in Savannah that Finegan marries his second wife, the widow Lucy C. Alexander, a Tennessee belle. They eventually settle on a large orange grove in Orange County, Florida. Finegan dies on October 29, 1885, at Rutledge, Florida. According to the Florida Union, his death is the result of “severe cold, inducing chills, to which he succumbed after brief illness.” The paper describes him as “hearty, unaffected, jovial, clear-headed, and keen-witted.” He is buried at the Old City Cemetery in Jacksonville.

Autobiography of James Patton Anderson


I was born in Winchester, Franklin County, Tennessee, on the sixteenth day of February, 1822. My father, William Preston Anderson, was a native of Botetourt County, Virginia, and was born about the year 1775. During the second term of General Washington's administration he received from the President a commission of Lieutenant in the United States Army. About this time or soon after, he removed to Tennessee, and at one time was U. S. District Attorney for the ____judicial district, and was subsequently surveyor-general of the district of Tennessee. In the year of 1812, he was colonel in the 24th U. S. Infantry, and was accidentally with Colonel Grogan in his defense of Fort Harrison. During the war, he married my mother, Margaret L. Adair, who was the fifth daughter of Major-General John Adair, of Mercer County, Kentucky. He had previously been married to Miss Nancy Bell, by whom he had three children, Musadora, Rufus Klink, and Caroline. In the second marriage there were born Nancy Bell, Catherine Adair, John Adair, James Patton, Thomas Scott, and Butler Preston. When I was an infant my father removed from the town of Winchester to his farm, "Craggy Hope", about six miles distant, where he resided until his death in 1831. When about eight years old I was sent for a short time to a country school near home, where I learned the alphabet and began to spell and read. Soon after my father's death, my mother returned to her father's home with her six children. My brother, John Adair, and myself were soon sent to the house of Charles Buford (who had married my mothers' youngest sister) in Scott County, Ky., and remained there about a year, attending a country school taught by a Mr. Phillips. This was in 1831-32. In 1833, I returned to my grandfather's and went to school to a young man named Van Dyke who taught in the neighborhood, afterwards to Mr. Tyler, and still later to Mr. Boutwell, who were successively principals of Cave Run Academy in Mercer County. I was then sent to the house of Judge Thomas B. Monroe, in Frankfort. Mrs. Monroe was also a sister of my mother. Here I remained about a year attending a select school taught by B. B. Sayre. About this time, my mother was married to Dr. J. N. Bybee, of Harrodsburg, Ky. I was taken to his house and went to school in the village to a Mr. Rice, and afterwards to a Mr. Smith. In October, 1836, I was sent to Jefferson College, at Cannonsburg, Pa. I remained there a year, when pecuniary misfortunes compelled my stepfather to withdraw me. In the winter of 1838 I kept up my studies with a young man named Terry, then teaching in Harrodsburg. During the winter I bordered in the house with my uncle, John Adair, three miles in the country. In the spring of 1838 I was sent to Three Forks of the Kentucky River, in Estill County, where my stepfather had established a sawmill and had opened a coal mine. During this year too, I made a trip with my mother to Winchester, Tenn., on horseback, where she went to close up some of the business of my father's estate. In the fall of 1838, my stepfather determined to remove to north Mississippi, then being rapidly settled, the Indians having been removed west of the Mississippi River. I accompanied him on horseback from Harrodsburg to Hernando in De Soto County, Mississippi. I remained there during the winter of 1838-39, assisting in the building of cabins, clearing land, etc., for the comfort of the family. In April, 1839, I was sent back to Jefferson College. I entered the Junior Class and graduated in 1840. I returned to DeSoto County, Miss., and began the study of Law in the office of Buckner and Delafield, and was admitted to the bar by Judge Howry in 1843.

Having no money with which to support myself, and the bar being crowded with the best talent in Tennessee, Alabama, and other states which had been attracted to this country by its great prosperity and promise, I accepted the position of deputy sheriff of DeSoto County under my brother-in-law, Colonel James M. Murray, who had been elected to that office in 1843. I held this position, from which a comfortable support was derived, till 1846, when the prospect seemed favorable to commence the practice of law. In the summers of 1844-45, I spent three months of each year at the law school of Judge Thomas B. Monroe, at Montrose over at Frankfort, KY. I have always regarded these months as more profitably spent than any others of my life. In 1847 I formed a partnership with R. B. Mays, a young lawyer of the state about my own age. (During the time I discharged the duties of deputy sheriff I also practiced Law in partnership with my former preceptor, E. F. Buckner, whenever I could do so consistently with the duties of the office). In October, 1847, I received an earnest appeal from Governor A. G. Brown of Mississippi, to organize a company in response to a call from the President of the United States, for service to Mexico. (I had previously made several efforts to enter the military service during the war with Mexico, but all the organizations for DeSoto County had failed to be received by the Governor, their distance from the capitol making them too late in reporting). In a few days I organized a company of volunteers from the regiment of militia in the county, of which I was then Colonel. I was elected Captain of the Company without opposition. H. Carr Forrest was elected First Lieutenant, and my brother, John Adair, was elected Second Lieutenant and by brother Thomas Scott, orderly sergeant. Two other companies had already reached the encampment. After waiting a fortnight or more for the other two companies of the battalion called for by the President to report, the five companies were sent to New Orleans for equipment and organization. Having received arms, clothing, etc. they embarked about the second of January 1848, for Tampico, Mexico.

On the 22nd of February, 1848, I was elected at Tampico Lieutenant Colonel to command the battalion. I remained at Tampico till the close of the war, when I was mustered out of the service along with the battalion at Vicksburg, Mississippi, and then reached my home at Hernando on the 4th of July, 1848.

I resumed the practice of law in partnership with R. B. Mays. Our prospects were flattering as the business of the firm was gradually increasing. In the Fall of 1849 I was elected one of the members of the Legislature from DeSoto County after a very heated and closely contested canvass. In January, 1850, I took my seat in the Legislature. General John Quitman was at the same time inaugurated Governor of the State. The celebrated compromise measures were then pending in Congress of the United States, and the country much excited on the topics then being discussed. Jefferson Davis and H. S. Foote were then the United States Senator from Mississippi. I took the same view of the question with Davis and Quitman. voted for a resolution in the House of Representatives of Miss., requesting Sen. Foote to resign his seat, inasmuch as he did not reflect the will of the State in voting for the compromise bill. I sustained cordially and sincerely all the prominent measures of Governor Quitman's administration, and believed great injustice and wrong was done the South in the passage of the compromise bill by the Congress of the County for a seat in the Legislature. My health at this time was very bad, which precluded me from making a through canvass of the county. The contest was exceedingly warm and in many portions of the state even bitter. It has passed into history. Mr. Davis was defeated for Governor by Mr. Foote. The whole Democratic Party was left in the minority with the rest, I was defeated by over a hundred majority in a aggregate vote of about 1800 resumed the practice of Law succeeded as well as could be expected health still bad from ague and fever.

In 1853 Jefferson was tendered the position of Secretary of War in Mr. Pierce's cabinet. In answer to a letter of mine in February of this year, he advised me to proceed to Washington City where he would use his influence to procure me a commission in the new rifle regiments then about to be raised by Congress for frontier defense. My health at this time became so bad from the effects of sedentary habits and the agues engendered in a miasmatic climate, that friends and physicians advised me to remove from Mississippi to a colder and drier climate. I accepted Mr. Davis' proposal and repaired to Washington City, where I arrived on the night of March 4, 1853, in time to learn that the bill had failed for want of time to receive Mr. Filmore's signature. I remained however, a fortnight without making any effort or application to receive any other position. The bill to organize the territory of Washington had become a law on the 3rd of March. My uncle, John Adair, who had removed to Astoria in Oregon in 1848, was now in Washington City and was extremely anxious for me to remove to that distant region, where my brothers, John and Butler, had gone in 1850. Through his instrumentality and the kindness of Mr. Davis (now Secretary of War), I was appointed United States Marshall for the territory of Washington. I accepted it and set about making preparations for the journey. Two difficulties were in the way. 1st, the want of money, and 2nd, I was engaged to be married to my cousin Henrietta Buford Adair, and I doubted the policy of taking her into such a wild and new country with no other help or dependence than my own exertions. I returned to Memphis where she was, consulted her, and we agreed to try our fortunes on this unknown sea. Her father gave her eight hundred dollars, and borrowing six hundred from Stephen D. Johnston, of DeSoto County (This was soon returned by collections from his practice, which his health at the time did not permit him to attend to. --E. A. A.), I raised about the same amount. (My recollection is that he raised about a thousand, possibly a little more.--E.A.A.) We were married in Memphis on the 30th of April, 1853, and in an hour afterwards were on our way to the Pacific coast aboard a steamer bound from New Orleans. We embarked at New Orleans on the 7th of May on board a steamer bound for Greytown in Nicaragua. The first day at sea, my wife was taken very ill of a fever. For several days her life seemed to suspended by a thread. These were the most anxious days of my life. Happily she was better by the time we reached Greytown. Taking a small river steamer, we commenced the ascent of the San Juan River. After several days of toil we reached the Virgin Bay, only to learn that the steamer from San Francisco, on which we expected to reach that city on her return trip, had sprung a leak and was compelled to go down the coast to Panama for repairs, and that she would probably not return for a month. This was a great disappointment to the eight hundred passengers at Virgin Bay, who were eager to reach the gold fields of California, but to me it was a matter for rejoicing, since a few weeks rest in Nicaragua would probably restore my wife to health, before undertaking another long sea voyage. We remained at Virgin Bay nearly a month. My wife recovered, and we embarked at San Juan del Sud the first week in June. Reached San Francisco in fourteen days, where we had to stay near a fortnight in wait for the steamer which was to take us to the Columbia River. At the expiration of this time we set sail in the steamer "Columbia," bound for Astoria, Oregon. Among the passengers were my uncle, John Adair and his oldest daughter Capt. George B. McCellan, U. S. A. Major Larned, U. S. A., and several other officer of the army, besides two companies of the _____infantry (I think the 4th.___E. A. A.) After passing the bar at the mouth of the Columbia a reckoning was taken between my wife and myself on the state of our finances. It was ascertained that the sum total on hand was exactly one dollar! (Paper money would not pass on that coast.--E.A.A.) It would not pay for landing our trunks at Astoria, which place was then in sight and was our present destination. I threw the dollar into the raging Columbia and began to whistle to keep my courage up. An officer came on the deck whom I had not seen at the table or elsewhere during the voyage. He inquired if Colonel Anderson was in the crowd. I replied and introduced myself to him. He made himself known as Rufus Saxton, U. S. A. , and said that he had left New York on the steamer that came a fortnight after I had left New Orleans, and that he had an official communication for me from the Secretary of the Interior, at the same time handing me a paper in a large official envelop. Taking it in my hand I began to deposit it in my coat pocket without breaking the seal, when he requested that I would open it and see whether he had brought it and contents safely to hand. On opening it I found it to contain instructions for me as United States Marshal to proceed at once to take a census of the inhabitants of the new territory of Washington, and also a treasury daft for a thousand dollars, to defray my expense in the work! This was a piece of good fortune in the nick of time, for in two more minutes the steamer dropped anchor off the city of Astoria, and soon we disembarked. My wife remained at the house of our uncle at Astoria and I started in a few days to Puget Sound to commence the official labors assigned me. I reached Olympia on the 4th of July and on the 5th started through the territory to take the census. The only mode of travel then known in the country was by canoe with the Indians as waterman, or on foot. For two months I was constantly engaged this way, frequently walking as much as twenty-five miles per day, and carrying my blanket, provisions and papers on my back. My health was already robust and the work was a pleasure.

On completing the census, my wife accompanied me in a canoe, etc., up the Cowlitz River to Olympia, where the capital of the territory was likely to be established and where I had determined to settle. At first we rented a little house and then I bough one, in which we lived very happily and pleasantly during our stay in the territory. In addition to the discharge of my duties as United States Marshal I practiced law in the Territorial courts whenever the two duties did not conflict.

In 1855 I was nominated by the Democratic Party for the position of Delegate to the United States Congress. My competitor was Judge Strong, formerly United States District Judge in Oregon. We began a thorough canvass of the whole Territory as soon as appointments for public speaking could be distributed among the people. I was successful at the election, which came off in June. Soon thereafter the report of gold discoveries near Fort Colville on the upper Columbia reached the settlements on Puget sound, and several persons began preparations for a trip into that region. Not desiring to start for Washington City before October, in order to be in Washington on the first Monday in December, the meeting of the 34th Congress, to which I had been elected, I determined to go to Fort Colville to inform myself about the gold deposits of that and other unexplored regions of the Territory, the better to be able to lay its wants and resources before Congress and the people of the United States. I started with seven other citizens of Olympia the latter part of June on horseback with pack animals to carry our provisions. Our route lay over the Cascade Mountains, through which was called the Na-Chess Pass, across the Tacoma River and valley, striking the Coumbia River at Priest's Rapids, where we crossed it, and taking the Grande Contee to the mouth of the Spokan River, thence up the left bank of the Columbia by Fort Colville to the mouth of Clark's Fork, where gold was reported to have been found, which we proved by experiment to be true. The trip from Olympia to the mouth of Clark's Fork, as thus described, occupied us about twenty-four days. Other parties followed us soon thereafter. The Indians on the route became alarmed lest their country would be overrun with whites in search of gold and commenced hostilities by killing a man named Mattice, who was on his way to the mines from Olympia. A general Indian war was threatened. I had not been at the mines a week till Angus McDonald, of Fort Colville, sent an express to inform me of the condition of affairs between me and home. We were unarmed, except with two guns and one or two pistols in the party. We were unarmed, except with two guns and one or two pistols in the party. Our provisions were being exhausted, and the appointment for my return had arrived so the miners concluded to return with me. To avoid the most hostile tribe, led by the chief, Owhi, we made a detour to the east in returning, crossed the Spokan about forty miles above its mouth, passed by the old Whitnam Misssion, crossed Snake River about ten miles above its mouth, went down the Pelouse to Walla Walla, thence acrose to Umatilla near the mission and "Billy McKey's" crossing the Deo Shuttes at its mought, then down to the Dalles, the Cascades, Fort Van Couver, and up the Cowlitz back to Olympia, which we reached it safely about the 1st of October.

During that month my wife and i took the steamer for San Francisco, thence to Panama, Aspinwall, and New York. We reached Washington City a few days before the meeting of Congress. This (34th) Congress will be long remembered as the one which gave rise to such a protracted and heated contest for speaker, to which position Mr. N. P. Banks of Massachusetts was finally elected. This was the first triumph of importance of the fanatical party (now called Republican) which led to the disruption of the Union four years later. Before this struggle for speaker had been decided, and during the Christmas holidays, my wife and I repaired to Casa Bianca, Florida, by invitation of our aunt, Mrs. Ellen Adair Beatty. While there I entered into an agreement with her for the conduct of her plantation under my supervision, etc. My wife remained at Casa Bianca and I returned to my duties in Washington City, only coming to Florida during the vacation.

My term of service in Congress expired the 4th of March, 1857. The same day Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated President for four years. He appointed me Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs of Washington Territory (the same position had been tendered him by Mr. Pierce, which he had declined.--E. A. A.) but I did not accept, wishing to take my wife's advice on the subject. On consultation with her I determined not to return to Washington Territory, believing firmly that the days of the Union were numbered, and not wishing to be absent from the land of my birth when her hour of trial came. I resigned the position tendered me by Mr. Buchanan and devoted myself exclusively to planting at Casa Bianca.

In 1860, when it became certain that Mr. Lincoln was elected President of the United States, the people of Florida, feeling alarmed for the safety of their rights and institutions, began to hold primary meetings preparatory to a general convention of the state. In December, 1860, I was elected a delegate from Jefferson County to a general convention of the state, which assembled at Tallahassee the 1st of January, 1861, and passed the ordinance of secession on the tenth day of the same month, which received my hearty approval. While the convention was yet in session the Governor deemed it prudent to seize such forts, ordnances and ordnance stores as he could, belonging to the United States within the limits of the state. For this purpose a force was sent to Pensacola to seize the Navy yard. Forts Barancas, McBee, and Pickens, to which all United States troops then at Pensacola had now retired. At the request of the company, signified to me in Tallahassee while they were awaiting transportation to St. Mark's, I agreed to command them in this expedition. Another company under Capt. Amaker from Tallahassee was also going on the same errand. We failed at St. Mark's to get steamboat transportation. Returned to Tallahassee and started overland by Quincy, Chattahoochie Capt. Amaker's commission as Captain was older than mine, but at his urgent request and that of Governor Perry I consented to assume command of the two companies. Having marched to Chattahoochie arsenal, we were stopped by a dispatch from Gov. Perry directing us to remain there until further orders. In about a week it was decided by the officer in command of Florida troops at Pensacola not to attack Fort Pickens, and he accordingly dispatched Gov. Perry to disband my detachment.

In the meantime the convention of Florida had determined to send delegates to a convention of such Southern States as had seceded from the Union, which was to meet in February at Montgomery, Alabama. These delegates from Florida were to be appointed by the Governor by and with the consent of the convention. Governor Perry dispatched me at Chattahoochie arsenal that he had appointed me one of the three delegates to this general convention, and directed me to return to Tallahassee with my two companies where they would be disbanded, which was done.

In February I repaired to Montgomery and took part in the proceedings of the convention, which formed a provisional government for the seceding states. All the principle measures of that body, passed or proposed during the Committee of Military Affairs and favored the raising of troops, etc. I also proposed to have the cooks, nurses, teamsters and pioneers of our army to consist of slaves. After having adopted a provisional constitution and a provisional president, the convention or Congress adjourned about the first of March.

On the 26th of March, while near my home at Monticello, the Governor wrote me that he wished to send a regiment of infantry to Pensacola for Confederate service. My old company was immediately reorganized and on the 28th of march started for the Chattahoochie arsenal, the place appointed for all companies to rendezvous and elect field officers. On the 5th of April I was elected colonel of the First Florida Regiment without opposition, and that night started with the regiment to report to General Bragg at Pensacola. We reached Pensacola on the 11th, and 12th of April went into camp and commenced drilling and exercising the troops. On the nights of the 7th and 8th of October I commanded one of the detachments which made a descent upon the camp of Billy Wilson's Zouaves, under the guns of Fort Pickens, on Santa Rosa Island. The expedition consisted of about a thousand men divided into three detachments, respectively under Col. J. R. Jackson, 5th Georgia Regiment Col. James R. Chalmers, 9th Mississippi Regiment, and myself. Chalmers had the right, Jackson the center, and I the left the whole number under command of Brig. Gen. R. H. Anderson, of South Carolina. My command consisted of 100 men from the 1st Florida, 100 men from the 1st Louisiana, and about 150 from the 1st Alabama, and other commands. My loss in this fight was eleven killed, twenty-four wounded, and twelve captured. (I speak from memory),

On the 10th of February, 1862, I was appointed a brigadier general in the provisional army of the Confederate States, and in March was ordered to report to general Bragg, then at Jackson in west Tennessee. Soon after reporting, I was assigned to the command of a brigade of infantry in the division of Brig. Gen. Ruggles, then at Corinth, Miss. This brigade consisted principally of Louisiana troops, to which the 1st Florida and 9th Texas regiments were soon added. I was immediately ordered to the front of Corinth in the direction of Monterey and Pittsburg Landing.

At the Battle of Shiloh my brigade consisted of the 17th and 19th, and 20th Louisiana regiments, the 9th Texas, and the 1st Florida, and Clack's Louisiana battalion, with the 5th Company of Washington Artillery of New Orleans.

Soon after the Battle of Shiloh, Hindman was assigned to the command of Ruggles' division, but only exercised it a few days when he was ordered to Arkansas, and the command devolved upon me as senior brigadier. I commanded the division in the retreat from Corinth till we reached Clear Creek, near Baldwin, where I was taken ill with fever, and Major General Sam Jones was assigned to the division. I rejoined the division at Tupelo, Miss., where the army was reorganized, and I commanded a brigade in Sam Jones' division till we reached Chattanooga, Tenn., in August of that year, preparatory to the Kentuckly campaign.

In August, 1862, while encamped near Chattanooga, the division was reorganized, and was composed of Walker's, Adam's, Anderson's, and Richard's brigades. About the middle of August Major General Sam Jones was assigned to the command of the Department of East Tennessee and the command of the division devolved upon me. On the 1st of September I crossed Walden's Ridge with my division following Bucker's--the two composing Hardee's Corps, Army of Tennessee. Throughout this campaign I continued in command of the division, having Brig. Gen. Preston Smith's brigade of Cheatham's division added to it in the afternoon of the day of the battle of Perryville. We returned form Kentucky through Cumberland Cap, Knoxville, Chattanooga, and Bridgport to Allisonia, in Franklin County, Tenn., where my division was halted for a fortnight. During theis time I visited for the first time in many years the grave of my father at Craggy Hope. From Allisonia the army proceeded to Shelbyville, where we halted ten days, and thence to Eagleville, where, in December, my division was broken up and I was assigned to the command of a brigade in Wither's division of Polk's Corps. This brigade was the one formerly commanded by Brig. Gen. Frank Gardner. I was only in command of it a few days when Rozencrans advanced upon Murfreesboro, where Gen. Bragg determined to give him battle, and for this purpose took his line of battle on the 27th of December about a mile and a half from Murfreesboro on the Nashville and Wilkinson pikes.

The morning of the day on which the line was taken up I was transferred to the command temporarily of Walthall's brigade of Mississippians. This was in consequence of Walthall's sickness and because the brigade was composed entirely of troops ( Mississippians) who had been under my command, either as brigade or division commander, since March, 1862. This brigade won many laurels in the battle of the 31st of December and the 2nd of January, 1863 was sent to reinforce Breckenridge on the right, who had been roughly handled that afternoon by superior numbers. We reached the scene of the conflict about sundown, and after the heaviest fighting was over, in time, however, to have several officers and men of out skirmish line severely wounded and by interposing a fresh line between the victorious enemy and Breckenridge's shattered columns, gave time for the latter to rally and resume a line they held in the morning.

This affair gave rise to much bitter felling between Gen. Bragg and Maj. Gen. Breckenridge, Bragg in his official report having attributed more, I think, to my brigade than it was entitled to. On the other hand, Breckenridge hardly did us justice, or rather, his friends, who discussed the matter in the public prints, did not give me due credit for the conduct or operation on that occassion. They rather contended that I reached the ground after the fight was over, and although we came with good intentions and doubtless would have rendered efficient services, if it had been necessary, yet there was nothing to be done after our arrival, etc. The facts are, however, as I have stated them here, and as I stated them in my official report on that occasion, a copy of which I sent to Gen. Breckenridge, whereupon he wrote me a very complimentary note, characterizing the report as one that was "truthful and manly," (This note, with many valuable packages, including most of his Confederate correspondences and official reports in a a handsome desk, were burned at St. Mark's, Florida, while awaiting shipment. The warehouse was burned and they in it in 1869--E. A. A.). I think Gen. Bragg founded his report upon exaggerated statement of some partial friend of mine and hence attributed to more than I deserved. I allude to it here because both Bragg's and Breckenridge's statements may become matters of controversy and dispute hereafter.

After the Battle of Murfreesboro, during the illness and absence of Gen. Withers, I was in command of the division of over a month. In the meantime, Brig. Gen. Chalmers, who commanded a brigade of Mississippians in the division, was transferred to the Cavalry service in Mississippi, and upon Withers resuming command of the division, I was assigned permanently to the command of Chalmer's brigade, which I exercised without interruption while the army was at Shelbyville, Tenn., and during our retreat from that place to Chattanooga in June, July, 1863.

In July, 1863, I was sent with my brigade to hold the Tennessee River at Bridgeport and vicinity, while the balance of the army was at Chattanooga and above there on the river. This duty was performed to the entire satisfaction of Gen. Bragg. In August Withers was transferred to duty in Alabama and Hindman was assigned to command the division. Shortly before evacuating Chattanooga my brigade was withdrawn from Bridgeport by order of Gen. Bragg, and rejoined the division in the neighborhood of Chattanooga.

I commanded the division in Mclemore's Cove expedition in September, for which Hindman, who commanded the whole expedition, has received much censure. He certainly missed capturing eight or ten thousand of the enemy, which would have left the balance of Rozencran's army at Bragg's mercy. Soon after this, or rather while in McLemore's Cove, Hindman was taken sick and the command of the division again devolved on me.

On the night of the 19th of September, after the division had crossed the Chickamauga Creek and while it was getting in position for next day's fight, Hindman resumed command and continued in command of the division till the close of the battle after dark on the night of the 20th. So I commanded my brigade in the Battle of Chickamauga.

In the advance on Missionary Ridge, begun on the 21st, I was in command of the division. Soon after reaching Missionary Ridge, Hindman was placed under arrest by Gen. Bragg and the command of the division devolved upon me. I commanded it at the battle of Missionary Ridge, but on that morning protested against the disposition which had been made of the troops (see my official report), which was the worst I have ever seen. The line was in two ranks, the front rank at the foot of the hills and the rear rank on the top! And the men were over three feet apart in line! Thus the front rank was not strong enough to hold its position, nor could it retire to the top of the ridge so as to be of any service there. The consequence was that the troops made no fight at all, but broke and ran as soon as the enemy's overwhelming columns advanced. About the 1st of December Hindman was released from arrest and assumed command of the corps as senior major-general, and I remained in command of the divison.

In February, 1864, Major-General Breckenridge having been transferred to a command in the Southwestern Division, I was on the 9th day of February appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate a major general in the provisional army and assigned to the command of Breckenridge's division in the Army of Tennessee. Before receiving these orders, however, I received a dispatch from the President ordering me to Florida to assume command of that district. The Army of Tennessee was at this time at Dalton, Ga., under command of General Joseph E. Johnston.

I reached Florida the 1st of March, 1864, ten days after the battle of Olustee, and assumed command of the district, with headquarters in the field in front of Jacksonville. Remained there operating against the enemy at Jacksonville and on the St. Johns River all summer, until I was ordered back to the Army of Tennessee. We were able to confine the enemy closely to his entrenchments around Jacksonville, and by blowing up two of his armed transport above Jacksonville and one below, put a complete stop to his navigation of the river above that city, and caused him to evacuate Palatka and to use the river below Jacksonville with the greatest caution.

On the night of the 25th of July, 1864, I received a telegram from Gen. Bragg at Columbus, Ga., directing me to report to Gen. Hood at Atlanta without delay for duty in the field. I started to Atlanta on the morning of the 26th of July and reached Atlanta on the night of the 28th. On the 29th I was assigned to an on the 30th assumed command of my old division composed of Deas', Brantley's, Sharp's, and Manigault's brigades. I remained in command of these brigades until the evening of the 31st of August, when I was wounded in the Battle of Jonesboro, Ga., which compelled me to leave the field and has resulted in my absence from the army up to the present time.

There are many incidents connected with my experience which would interest my children if I had time to record them, but I have not. I have hurriedly written some of the prominent facts for their edification hereafter. This is a dark day in the history of the present war, but I believe a brighter will soon dawn upon us. If dissension and faction does not distract us, we will certainly achieve our independence. The course of some prominent men in Georgia (Toombs and Gov. Brown--E. A. A.) just at this time is much calculated to grieve the spirit of all true Southerners. It is to be hoped that they will desist from their factions, teachings, and practices, and soon unite with the patriots of the land to prosecute with unanimity and vigor the war which our enemies are determined to wage against us.

For more information, see the EN Wikipedia article James Patton Anderson.

James Patton Anderson Papers

The J. Patton Anderson Papers are significant for the information they shed on the life of the Anderson family before the Civil War, particularly in the running of Casa Bianca Plantation, in Florida, for coverage of Anderson's service with the Army of Tennessee, and for the correspondence relating to the post-war South. The papers date from 1836-1976, with the bulk dated between 1847 and 1909. The collection contains family papers, letters, and memoirs of J. Patton Anderson's extended family (including in-laws), as well as official battle reports from the battles of Shiloh, Murfreesboro (a.k.a. Stones River), and Chattanooga, written by Anderson himself, and correspondence with former-Confederates after the Civil War. Also included is an autobiographical sketch of Anderson's life, a scrapbook of newspaper clippings about the family, and several photographs. The bulk of the collection is arranged chronologically, each item being stored in its own folder. Undated material, along with correspondence between Etta Adair Anderson and the family of Jefferson Davis, has been placed at the end of the collection. The collection contains one folder of miscellaneous bills, receipts, and business papers, dating from 1847 to 1872.

Items of interest include legal agreements and lists of slaves and equipment pertaining to Casa Bianca official reports and personal letters concerning major battles with the Army of Tennessee correspondence with Braxton Bragg about postwar life in and around the Mississippi River Valley and an exchange of letters between Etta Adair Anderson and Jefferson Davis. Anderson's autobiography, written while recuperating from a wound her received in the Battle of Jonesboro, Ga., (August 31, 1864) appears in several forms in the collection. Additionally, his wife Etta composed a memoir about Anderson that recounts how he saved the life of Ulysses S. Grant during his time in the Washington Territory as U.S. Marshall. The collection also contains copies of the agreement made between Joseph E. Johnston and William T. Sherman at the close of the Civil War photographs of Patton Anderson, Etta Adair Anderson, Ellen Adair White Beatty, and the plantation of Casa Bianca a copy of the Ku Klux Klan Constitution and Bylaws, dated 1870 a revised copy of the Constitution of the United Confederate Veterans, dated 1891 and signed by Captain J.J. Dickison and Anderson's military appointments during the Civil War and pardons from the post-bellum period.




Biographical/Historical Note

James Patton Anderson was born on February 16, 1822, in Winchester, Tennessee, one of seven children of Colonel William Preston Anderson, a veteran of the War of 1812, and Margaret L. Adair, also from a prominent military family. Anderson, who was always known within the family as Patton, spent his early years on the family farm. After his father died in 1831, he moved with his mother to his grandfather's home in Kentucky. Five years later, his stepfather, Dr. Joseph Bybee, sent him to Jefferson College in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania. His education was interrupted by financial difficulties and by his stepfather's decision to relocate the family to DeSoto County, Mississippi however, Anderson eventually resumed his schooling and graduated from Jefferson College in 1840. He read for law at Montrose Law School and passed the Mississippi bar. In 1847, he raised a company of volunteers for the Mexican War, served as a captain, and eventually achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel in command of the 1st Battalion, Mississippi Rifles. Following this service, he served one term in the Mississippi legislature, then accepted an appointment as United States Marshall to the Territory of Washington in 1853. This was also the year of his marriage to Henrietta (Etta) Buford Adair, his eighteen-year-old cousin. The couple departed for the Northwest and settled in Olympia.

Anderson's political career continued and he served as a Democrat in the Thirty-fourth Congress (March 4, 1855-March 3, 1857) after which he was offered but declined an appointment as governor of Washington Territory. Instead, in 1857, he and Etta moved to Florida, where they agreed to take over the management of Casa Bianca plantation near Monticello. This plantation was the property of Etta's aunt, Ellen Adair White Beatty, well known in Florida as the widow of Florida's congressional delegate Joseph M. White. In a complicated legal agreement, Anderson bought Casa Bianca plantation but also agreed to pay a yearly stipend to "Aunt Ellen" as part of the purchase price. This placed him under a heavy financial obligation, one that proved hard to meet over the years.

With the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, Anderson joined ardent secessionists and gave his full support to the Confederacy. He entered the Confederate Army as colonel of the 1st Regiment Florida (Infantry), received promotion to brigadier general February 10, 1862 and to major general February 17, 1864. His war-time command started out in Pensacola, took him through all the major campaigns of Tennessee and Georgia, and placed him for a while in charge of the home front in Florida. He was wounded at the Battle of Jonesboro, Ga., in August 1864 and retired from the field to recuperate. Even after the restoration of the Union, Anderson remained unreconciled to the new order in the South, refusing to countersign his presidential amnesty. His finances were ruined and he took his family to Memphis, Tenn., where he earned his living by editing a publication on agriculture, working in insurance, and serving as a collector of delinquent taxes for Shelby County. He died of complications from war-time wounds on September 20, 1872, and was interred in Elmwood Cemetery, Memphis. Anderson was survived by his widow, Etta, and their children William Preston (b. 1856), Theophilus Beatty (b. 1858), James Patton, Jr. (1860), Elizabeth Cromwell (1863), and Margaret Bybee (1866). The Anderson family returned to Florida in 1883 and settled in Palatka, where Etta became the president of the local J. Patton Anderson Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. She died in 1917. Margaret (Maggie) Anderson, the last of the Anderson children, served as the family historian and keeper of the family papers until she passed away on May 7, 1965, at the age of 99.


The Battle of Santa Rosa Island (October 9, 1861) was an unsuccessful Confederate attempt to take Union-held Fort Pickens on Santa Rosa Island, Florida.

Santa Rosa Island is a 40-mile barrier island in the U.S. state of Florida, thirty miles from the Alabama state border. At the western end stands Fort Pickens, which in the fall of 1861 was garrisoned by parts of the 1st, 2nd, and 5th U. S. artillery and the 3rd U.S. Infantry, under command of Col. Harvey Brown, of the 5th artillery. The 6th New York Volunteer Infantry, commanded by Col. William Wilson, was encamped outside the fort, a short distance east of it.

Battle After midnight on October 9, Brig. Gen. Richard Anderson crossed from the mainland to Santa Rosa Island with 1,200 men in two small steamers to surprise the Union camps and capture Fort Pickens. He landed on the north beach about four miles east of Fort Pickens and divided his command into three columns. After proceeding about three miles, the Confederates surprised the 6th Regiment, New York Volunteers, in its camp and routed the regiment. Gen. Anderson then adopted a defensive stance to entice the Federals to leave the fort and attack. Receiving reinforcements, Col. Harvey Brown sallied against the Confederates, who reembarked and returned to the mainland.

The Union loss was 14 killed, 29 wounded and 24 captured or missing. General Braxton Bragg and Lieutenant Hamel, commanding the Confederate forces at Pensacola, reported their loss as "30 or 40 killed and wounded," but a Confederate newspaper, found by Lieut. Seeley a few days after the occurrence, gave the total casualties as 175. Maj. Israel Vodges, of the 1st artillery, was captured, and on the Confederate side Gen. Anderson was severely wounded. The camp of the 6th N. Y. was partially destroyed.

Fort Pickens and the battle site are preserved within the Gulf Islands National Seashore.

Union Forces Department of Florida: Col. Harvey Brown

6th New York Zouave Infantry, Col. William Wilson Vodges' Command – Major Israel Vogdes (c), Capt. John McL. Hildt Company A, 1st Artillery – Lieutenant F. E. Taylor Company E, 3rd Infantry – Captain John McL. Hildt Company G, 3rd New York Infantry – Captain Dobie Arnold’s Command – Major Lewis Golding Arnold Company C, 3rd Infantry – Lieutenant Shipley Company H, 2nd Artillery – Captain James M. Robertson Confederate Forces[edit] Brig. Gen. Richard Heron Anderson

Demolition Team --- Lieutenant J. H. Hallonquist 1st Battalion – Colonel James R. Chalmers Detachment, 10th Mississippi Infantry Detachment, 1st Alabama Infantry 2nd Battalion – Colonel J. Patton Anderson 3 Companies, 7th Alabama Infantry 2 Companies, Louisiana Infantry 2 Companies, 1st Florida Infantry 3rd Battalion - Colonel John K. Jackson Detachment, 5th Georgia Infantry Detachment, Georgia Infantry Battalion

Artillery Homer’s Artillery Company - Lieutenant Hollonquist

--> Anderson, James Patton, 1822-1873

Born Franklin County, Tenn. first territorial delegate to Congress from Washington brigadier general, Confederate Army.

From the description of ADS, [1871, no day]. (Rosenbach Museum & Library). WorldCat record id: 122585669

James Patton Anderson (1822-1873), native of Tennessee, was a politician in Mississippi and Florida, Mexican War officer, federal officer in the Washington Territory, and Confederate congressman and general.

From the guide to the James Patton Anderson Autobiography, ., 1864, (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Library. Southern Historical Collection.)

James Patton Anderson was a 19th century American doctor and politician, most notable serving as a United States Delegate from the Washington Territory, a Mississippi state legislator and a delegate as the Florida State secession convention to withdraw from the United States. He was subsequently a major general in the Confederate States Army, at one point commanding the Army of Tennessee. James Patton Anderson was born in Franklin County, Tennessee on February 16, 1822. He was admitted to the Bar in 1843 and practiced law in DeSoto County, Mississippi. In 1847, he was asked by Gov. A.G. Brown to raise and command the 1st Battalion Mississppi Rifles in the Mexican War. During the Mexican War, he met Jefferson Davis, who became President Pierce's Secretary of War. President Pierce appointed Anderson Marshal for Washington Territory, from which he was elected to Congress. Anderson refused a second appointment to Washington State and moved to Florida in the late 1850's. He became a member of the Florida State secession convention. Anderson was appointed Colonel of the 1st Florida Regiment (Infantry). In the battle of Jonesboro in 1864 he was seriously wounded and forced home to Monticello, FL where he wrote the sketch of his lilfe. He died at his home in Memphis on September 20, 1872, due to his war wound and was buried there.

From the description of J. Patton Anderson's portrait, [186-]. (Washington State Library, Office of Secretary of State). WorldCat record id: 162141402

James Patton Anderson was born in Franklin County, Tennessee on February 16, 1822. He served in the Mexican War with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. After the war, he spent one term in the Mississippi legislature where he met Jefferson Davis.

Through Davis, he was appointed by President Pierce as Marshal for Washington Territory. Declining a second appointment he moved to Florida in the late 1850s where he served as a member of the state secession convention.

He joined the Confederate Army as a Colonel and was promoted to Brigadier General in 1862. At the battle of Jonesboro in 1864 he was seriously wounded. After the war he moved to Memphis where he died September 20, 1873.

From the description of Sketch of General Anderson's life (James Patton Anderson) 1822-1872. (Florida State University). WorldCat record id: 40253847

James Patton Anderson was born in Franklin County, Tennessee on February 16, 1822. He served in the Mexican War with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. After the war, he spent one term in the Mississippi legislature where he met Jefferson Davis.

Through Davis, he was appointed by President Pierce as Marshal for Washington Territory. Declining a second appointment, he moved to Florida in the late 1850s where he served as a member of the state secession convention.

He joined the Confederate Army as a Colonel and was promoted to Brigadier General in 1862. At the battle of Jonesboro in 1864 he was seriously wounded. After the war he moved to Memphis where he died September 20, 1873.

From the description of James Patton Anderson papers 1862-1865. (Florida State University). WorldCat record id: 40261472

Lawyer, U.S. Marshall, Confederate military officer, Businessman.

James Patton Anderson was born on February 16, 1822, in Winchester, Tennessee. He was educated at Jefferson College in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania, studied law at Montrose Law School in Kentucky, and, after being admitted to the Bar, practiced law in Hernando, Mississippi. In 1846, during the Mexican-American War.

he served as Lieutenant Colonel of the Second Battalion Mississippi Rifles. In 1853 he was appointed United States Marshall for the Territory of Washington, relocating to Olympia. From 1855 to 1857 he was elected as a Democrat to the Thirty-fourth Congress, after which he declined an appointment from President Buchanan as.

Governor of the Territory of Washington. Instead, he moved to his plantation, Casa Bianca, near Monticello, Florida, where he served in the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States. With the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, he entered the Confederate Army as colonel of the First Regiment Florida Infantry. He was appointed brigadier general in 1862, followed by major general in 1864, when he was given command of the district of Florida.

After the war, he settled in Memphis, Tennessee, where he produced an agriculture paper and was a tax collector for Shelby County, Tennessee. Anderson died on September 20, 1872.

From the description of Papers, 1855-1869. (University of Florida). WorldCat record id: 50255934

James Patton Anderson was born on February 16, 1822, in Winchester, Tennessee, one of seven children of Colonel William Preston Anderson, a veteran of the War of 1812, and Margaret L. Adair, also from a prominent military family. Anderson, who was always known within the family as Patton, spent his early years on the family farm. After his father died in 1831, he moved with his mother to his grandfather's home in Kentucky. Five years later, his stepfather, Dr. Joseph Bybee, sent him to Jefferson College in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania. His education was interrupted by financial difficulties and by his stepfather's decision to relocate the family to DeSoto County, Mississippi however, Anderson eventually resumed his schooling and graduated from Jefferson College in 1840. He read for law at Montrose Law School and passed the Mississippi bar. In 1847, he raised a company of volunteers for the Mexican War, served as a captain, and eventually achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel in command of the 1st Battalion, Mississippi Rifles. Following this service, he served one term in the Mississippi legislature, then accepted an appointment as United States Marshall to the Territory of Washington in 1853. This was also the year of his marriage to Henrietta (Etta) Buford Adair, his eighteen-year-old cousin. The couple departed for the Northwest and settled in Olympia.

Anderson's political career continued and he served as a Democrat in the Thirty-fourth Congress (March 4, 1855-March 3, 1857) after which he was offered but declined an appointment as governor of Washington Territory. Instead, in 1857, he and Etta moved to Florida, where they agreed to take over the management of Casa Bianca plantation near Monticello. This plantation was the property of Etta's aunt, Ellen Adair White Beatty, well known in Florida as the widow of Florida's congressional delegate Joseph M. White. In a complicated legal agreement, Anderson bought Casa Bianca plantation but also agreed to pay a yearly stipend to "Aunt Ellen" as part of the purchase price. This placed him under a heavy financial obligation, one that proved hard to meet over the years.

With the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, Anderson joined ardent secessionists and gave his full support to the Confederacy. He entered the Confederate Army as colonel of the 1st Regiment Florida (Infantry), received promotion to brigadier general February 10, 1862 and to major general February 17, 1864. His war-time command started out in Pensacola, took him through all the major campaigns of Tennessee and Georgia, and placed him for awhile in charge of the home front in Florida. He was wounded at the Battle of Jonesboro, Ga., in August 1864 and retired from the field to recuperate. Even after the restoration of the Union, Anderson remained unreconciled to the new order in the South, refusing to countersign his presidential amnesty. His finances were ruined and he took his family to Memphis, Tenn., where he earned his living by editing a publication on agriculture, working in insurance, and serving as a collector of delinquent taxes for Shelby County. He died of complications from war-time wounds on September 20, 1872, and was interred in Elmwood Cemetery, Memphis. Anderson was survived by his widow, Etta, and their children William Preston (b. 1856), Theophilus Beatty (b. 1858), James Patton, Jr. (1860), Elizabeth Cromwell (1863), and Margaret Bybee (1866). The Anderson family returned to Florida in 1883 and settled in Palatka, where Etta became the president of the local J. Patton Anderson Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. She died in 1917. Margaret (Maggie) Anderson, the last of the Anderson children, served as the family historian and keeper of the family papers until she passed away on May 7, 1965, at the age of 99.

Source: Biographical Directory of Congress 1774-Present . Also: Larry Rayburn, "'Wherever the Fight is Thickest': General James Patton Anderson of Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 60(3) (Jan. 1982): 313-336 James W. Raab, J. Patton Anderson, Confederate General, A Biography, Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland and Company, 2004. Margaret Anderson Uhler, The Floridians, Lincoln: Writers Club Press, 2003.

From the guide to the James Patton Anderson Papers, 1836-1976, 1847-1909, (Special and Area Studies Collections, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida)


“Slave quarters and barn” © Mark Bobb Photography
“I send you a copy of my memoir, which has been reprinted in a pamphlet, under the direction of my friends in Albemarle. I have sold my slaves in that county, to Col: White of Florida, who will take them in families, to that territory. He gives me for them, (with the exception of a few sold there) five thousand dolrs., which are paid, by obtaining for me, a release in that amount, from J. J. Astor, for a loan obtain’d of him in the late war, offerd by himself, on hearing that I was pressd for money”. Monroe to Madison, Oak Hill, March 28th. 1828.

Virginia to Florida

A group of enslaved families arrived in Jefferson County, Florida in 1828. Joseph Mills White, the owner of Casa Bianca plantation, had made a deal with President James Monroe for the people that Monroe owned at his Highland plantation in Albemarle County, Virginia. Monroe had sold the plantation and had no more use for the enslaved men, women, and children who had labored there.

Those forcibly sent to Florida took very little with them, save their memories, and when those memories left Virginia, the knowledge of their enslavement at Highland left with them. For years the assumption had been that the stories of their lives had been lost. Oral histories of their descendants, so important in the histories of the plantations of the Virginia founding fathers, would possibly never be part of Highland’s history.

Then the history of Monroe’s Highland plantation began to be entirely reexamined in 2014, leading to the discovery of the foundation of his original 1799 home, which had been destroyed by fire and long lost to memory. As a result of, and in parallel with this inquiry, researchers questioned the story of the fate of the enslaved men, women, and children at Highland. An effort began to locate the Florida plantation to which they were sold, and shortly after that it was learned that there were also local descendants living in Albemarle County, Virginia, not far from Highland.

Casa Bianca Plantation, Jefferson County, Florida

Joseph White began purchasing land for his Casa Bianca plantation, a business venture with Richard Henry Wilde, in 1826, and by White’s death in 1839 the plantation had grown to over 3000 acres. As he accumulated land, he also acquired enslaved workers, sometimes with their families. One group came from President James Monroe’s Highland plantation in Virginia. White and Monroe had known each other at least since 1817- White was from Kentucky but his mother’s family was from Albemarle County, Virginia, and White had lived for a short time in the county.

White and his wife, Ellen Adair White, also from Kentucky, were absentee landowners, travelling widely for both business and pleasure, and White relied on his three brothers for plantation management. His brother Everett, described as “a practical industrious farmer and honest man” by Wilde, played the principal role in managing the plantation’s interests and holdings until his untimely death in one of the frequent duels that took place in Florida during this period.

The plantation had originally been intended for sugar cane, but the large capital investment for that type of enterprise caused White and Wilde to primarily plant cotton instead. Both crops were labor-intensive, and the original enslaved population at Casa Bianca had a heavy male bias. But their numbers steadily grew over time: 60 in 1830, 94 in 1844, and 126 in 1859.

The early years at Casa Bianca would have been a shock to the newly arrived enslaved families from Monroe’s Highland plantation. Forced to leave the long-settled Virginia Piedmont environment, they came to a wilderness frontier in Middle Florida. New fears and panic surrounded the Indian raids that took place around Monticello during the Second Seminole War (1835-1842). A series of attacks by the displaced Native Americans in May 1836 sent the Casa Bianca slaves to the town of Monticello to build stockades for defense. In addition to the stress of these raids, in which people were killed, dwellings burned and crops stolen, disease in the form of malaria and yellow fever also ravaged the local population.

After White’s death in 1839, his widow Ellen hired George Anderson to manage the plantation for about three years. After Ellen remarried, she and her new husband, Theophilus Beatty, decided to live at Casa Bianca and manage it themselves. Beatty mortgaged the plantation in 1844 and included 96 enslaved people as part of the collateral for the loan.

Beatty’s death in 1847 caused Ellen to return to the plantation from New Orleans, where the couple had been living during the latter part of Beatty’s illness, and she was faced with having to manage on her own. In 1856 Ellen’s niece Etta and her husband James Patton Anderson (no relation to George Anderson, the former manager) moved to Casa Bianca, and Ellen entered into a business arrangement with Anderson, who would pay Ellen a stipend, relieve her of debt, and manage the plantation. Anderson also assumed the responsibility for the enslaved population to, “keep them in order, make them do their duty, take care of them in temporal things and provide for their religious instruction…”

With war imminent, Ellen made the decision to sell the plantation. Robert W. Williams, a Tallahassee lawyer, purchased the core 3000 acres of Casa Bianca and 82 enslaved families, promising to ensure their safety on the voyage from Florida to his plantation on the Mississippi. J. Patton Anderson purchased 400 acres of the plantation known as “The Scrub,” which was about two miles away from the main house, and 38 enslaved people from his aunt Ellen. After the Civil War, Anderson moved with his family to Memphis, Tennessee and rented out his Jefferson County land to his former slaves. He died in Memphis in 1872. Ellen lived off the charity of her relatives and died impoverished in Oxford, Mississippi in 1884.

Highland Plantation, Albemarle County, Virginia

James Monroe, whose political career would culminate in the Presidency, 1816-1824, began building Highland, the home that would be the center of his 3500 acre plantation in Albemarle County, Virginia in 1799 . His plantation was within a short distance of his friend Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello, and only a day’s ride from Montpelier, the plantation of another friend, Founding Father and the 4th President, James Madison. Indeed central Virginia was home to many plantations, and one thing they all had in common was their enslaved work force, primarily men, women, and children whose ancestral origins were African.

The fates of those owned by Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe were very different, however. Jefferson’s enslaved people were auctioned off after his death to pay his debts, Madison’s, in spite of his request, were disposed of piece-meal by his widow, Dolly, while Monroe’s were “sold down the river” in 1828 to a man named Joseph M. White who was building a cane and cotton plantation in Florida. As a result, oral histories, so important to the understanding of slavery at Monticello and Montpelier, have so far not been part of the history of Highland.

Efforts to learn about those sold to Florida began in 2014, and the project that led to this website began a year later. This research has expanded to include the entire African-American community of Casa Bianca, and has become an independent project.

What was Highland? A grain belt plantation–it’s main cash crop was wheat, occasionally supplemented by the sale of tobacco, although that crop never reached the market value of wheat. It’s main house, built according to his own plans, was a relatively modest farmhouse of approximately 2000 square feet, with guest space after 1818 in two additional buildings.

For more information on James Monroe and Highland please visit James Monroe’s Highland

The Antelope

In the summer of 1820, the United States revenue cutter Dallas intercepted the Antelope, a slave ship flying an American flag, off the coast of Florida. Over 250 chained Africans were found on board. Their average age was fourteen. The Antelope had been off the coast of Africa where it had plundered a Spanish and a Portuguese ship and stolen their human cargo. Slave importation to the United States had been prohibited by Congress in 1807. Further legislative acts passed during President Monroe’s administration in 1819 and 1820, enhanced the slave trade prohibition, placing any illegally imported slaves under Presidential control and declaring the offenders to be engaged in piracy, an offense punishable by death. The Antelope was escorted to Savannah, where an eight-year court battle began which reached the Supreme Court and spanned both President Monroe’s and John Quincy Adams’ administrations. The Antelope captain was indicted for taking the property of a Portuguese subject and a Spanish subject. He was not tried for piracy, nor was the illegal transportation of the Africans mentioned in the case. The jury found the captain not guilty. The next cases determined how the Africans would be divided between the two primary claimants: the Spanish and Portuguese. This process took until the end of 1827 to resolve.

After the 258 African captives arrived in Savannah, a yellow fever epidemic ravaged the city. A month later, 184 captives remained, half of them children under ten years old and the other half between the ages of ten and twenty. While waiting for the determination of their fate, the Africans were forced to work on public works projects and on plantations near Savannah. By 1827, the courts had decided that 134 of the African captives were to be freed and sent to Liberia. Thirty-nine of the captives were determined to belong to the Spanish claimant and were ordered to be taken out of the United States. But the Spanish claimant sold his share of the captives to Richard H. Wilde, a Georgia Congressman and the business partner of Joseph M. White. The two men created the Casa Bianca plantation as a joint business venture, and these slaves that Wilde purchased became part of Casa Bianca’s enslaved population.

Around thirty of the Antelope Africans, all young men except for one woman named Lucy, now enslaved for life, arrived at Casa Bianca in 1828, the same year the enslaved families from Virginia arrived. They would clear the Florida wilderness, and then labor there growing sugar cane and cotton.

Two Churches

Many black churches were established during Reconstruction, with congregations that had been worshiping together for years, often in secret. These new churches became the social focal point of their communities, and today serve as a rich and valuable link with the past, preserving records and traditions so important to family history researchers.

Two churches have played a major role in revealing the early histories of the African-American communities at Casa Bianca and Highland: The Middle Oak Baptist Church in Albemarle County, Virginia, and the Casa Bianca Missionary Baptist Church in Jefferson County, Florida.

Middle Oak Baptist Church

The Middle Oak Baptist Church was established in 1871. It is in some ways a typical small rural church, but with a congregation that is almost exclusively descended from those enslaved by James Monroe. Although small, it is a vibrant community, and their annual Homecoming Day draws a large crowd of families and friends from all over.

As a community that has been together for over 200 years, their combined memories are a major source of information about slavery at Highland. One story, collected by the WPA in the late 1930’s illustrates how valuable and informing such information can be. This is the story of Garland Monroe and his father and older brother, which is reproduced in the Stories section of this website.

The most unexpected part of the history of Middle Oak is that until 2017, it was virtually unknown to James Monroe’s Highland, the remaining part of his plantation which has been owned by the College of William and Mary since 1975. Since then, Middle Oak and Highland have begun forming a new community together, and on March 8 th of 2018, Highland invited church members, other descendants and interested parties to its first (and hopefully annual) Descendants’ Day, beginning what will certainly be a new tradition that will be of benefit to everyone concerned. In fact, the College of William and Mary has begun the project of collecting and recording oral histories from descendants, which will hopefully include those of many church members.

The Casa Bianca Missionary Baptist Church was established in 1872 on former Casa Bianca plantation land and it was formed by families emancipated from that plantation. The Works Project Administration wrote a one page history of the church in 1938 which provides evidence that documents this connection. It names the first pastor in 1872- D.S. Straws, who appears in the 1856 inventory of the enslaved people of the plantation. This inventory, one of three – the first from 1830 and the second from 1844 – was the first link to the Highland origins of some of Casa Bianca’s enslaved population. Names appearing in databases created by Highland researchers reappeared later at Casa Bianca, identifying slaves sold by Monroe to White. One couple originally from Virginia are connected with the history of the Casa Bianca Missionary Baptist Church. Dudley and Eve from Virginia had a daughter, Hannah, born in 1830 at Casa Bianca. She married David Straws, who became the first pastor of the Church in 1872. In 1873, the deed to the land where the church was built was signed by the trustees of the church:

Casa Bianca Missionary Baptist Church

Alfred Williams
William McGuire
Isham Nelson
Anthony Robinson
Tony Robinson

The first three (Alfred, Wm. and Isham) were former Casa Bianca enslaved workers. Furthermore, William McGuire had been enslaved by Monroe. Son of Dudley and Eve, William would have spent his early years at Highland. T hey and others who were ultimately sold to White very likely took part in the religious observances of their community in Virginia. Thus these two churches are related, not only by their similar histories, but directly, through their memberships.


By Mike Phifer

Confederate Brig. Gen. George Maney maintained tight control of the three regiments in his first line as he pressed his attack against a key position on the extreme left flank of the Union Army on the afternoon of October 8, 1862. The Battle of Perryville had begun less than an hour earlier, and Maney’s brigade was part of a sledgehammer attack by the reinforced Confederate right wing against Maj. Gen. Alexander McCook’s I Corps.

Maney’s immediate objective was to drive the Federals from an eminence known as Open Knob, one of the key positions on the north end of the battlefield. Situated atop the knob was Lieutenant Charles Parson’s eight-gun battery. It was supported by the 123rd Illinois of Brig. Gen. William Terrill’s brigade.

Maney’s Rebels, clad in faded gray uniforms that matched the flora so well that Federal staff officer Samuel Starling thought from a distance that they wore camouflage, had reached a split-rail fence overgrown with brush partway up the east slope of the knob. With his regiments suffering additional casualties from Federal fire with each passing minute, Maney gave the order to charge.

Reluctant to give up their position behind the fence, the men nevertheless heeded their veteran commander. The men might not have moved were it not for Maney’s exhortations. “His presence and manner … imparted fresh vigor and courage among the troops,” recalled Colonel George Potter, commander of the 6th Tennessee.

When the Rebels began their uphill assault, the Union gunners switched to double-canister. The spray of lead balls mowed down many of the Southerners. “It was almost impossible for mortal men to stand up in the face of such a rain of lead and our lines wavered a moment,” wrote a memberof the 41st Georgia. But the veteran soldiers recovered and swept uphill shrieking the hair-raising rebel yell. Color bearers fell to the ground wounded or dying, but always another soldier picked up the colors and bore them forward. In the 41st Georgia alone three color bearers were cut down by Yankee bullets or canister.

“The battery was playing upon us with terrible effect,” wrote Lt. Col. William Frierson of the 27th Tennessee. As a result of the artillery fire, “large boughs were torn from trees, the trees themselves shattered as if by lightning, and the ground plowed in deep furrows.”

Among the commanders at Perryville were (clockwise from top left), General Braxton Bragg, Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell, Maj. Gen. William J. Hardee, and Brig. Gen. Lovell Rousseau.

Maney’s other two regiments caught up with the first line and joined the attack. In a desperate effort to save the valuable guns, Terrill ordered the men of the 105th Ohio, who had just reached the knob, to counterattack the Confederates. The Ohioans moved downhill and fired a volley. Most of the bullets passed over the heads of the Confederates.

In response, Maney’s men delivered a well-aimed volley that shattered the Buckeyes. The Rebels then chased them back to the top of the knob. What followed was a bloody scuffle for control of the guns. It was just one of the many desperate struggles that characterized the bloody fighting that afternoon.

At the outset of the American Civil War in April 1861, both sides coveted the key border state of Kentucky. “I think to lose Kentucky is nearly to lose the whole game,” said President Abraham Lincoln. The Bluegrass State was vital to the Federal strategy because it either bordered or contained within its borders four key waterways that the Union needed to move men and supplies. Its northern and western borders ran along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, respectively, and the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers flowed through the western part of state.

At the start of the war Kentucky attempted to remain neutral, although some of her sons served in the opposing armies. Kentucky’s frail neutrality was shattered in early September 1861 when Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk, a former Episcopal bishop, ordered Brig. Gen. Gideon Pillow to seize the key town of Columbus along the Mississippi River, believing the Federals were preparing to move into the state. The Federals subsequently occupied Paducah and Smithland. Union troops moved into northern Kentucky, and Confederate troops marched into southern Kentucky.

The Confederate Army’s hold on southern Kentucky was short lived. On January 19, 1862, Brig. Gen. George Thomas’s Union troops defeated Brig. Gen. Felix Zollicoffer’s Confederates at Mill Springs. The following month, Brig. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant advanced into eastern Tennessee and captured Forts Henry and Donelson. Shortly thereafter, the Federals captured Nashville. The Confederates attempted to regain the initiative by striking Grant’s Army of the Tenneseee on April 6 at Pittsburgh Landing on the Tennessee River, but Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell arrived to reinforce Grant and on the second day of the battle the Yankees recaptured the ground they had lost. Since the Confederates retreated to Mississippi, the Battle of Shiloh was a Union victory.

Shortly afterward, Maj. Gen. Henry Halleck left his headquarters in St. Louis to take command of the Federal forces in the field. By temporarily combining the armies of Grant and Buell, Halleck amassed an army of 125,000 men. He then advanced cautiously on Corinth, Mississippi.

Unlike Grant, Halleck was not a fighter. He allowed General Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard’s 53,000-man Army of Mississippi to withdraw from Corinth on May 29 without having to fight a pitched battle. Halleck then dispersed his forces. Although some of the forces remained on the defensive, Halleck ordered Buell to capture Chattanooga, Tennessee.

A native Ohioan, Buell graduated from West Point in 1841. He served ably in both the Second Seminole War and the Mexican-American War, suffering a severe wound at Churubusco. Confederate partisans sought to sever Buell’s supply line that ran over the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. The result was food shortages. Buell was reluctant to let his men forage, though, and instead put them on half rations. This made him unpopular with the troops.

When Beauregard went on medical leave without clearing his absence from his army in advance with his superiors, Davis replaced him on May 6 with General Braxton Bragg. The new commander of the Army of Mississippi in Tupelo focused initially on obtaining adequate supplies and improving the army’s discipline before considering offensive action.

When Union Brig. Gen. George Morgan’s 7th Division of the Army of the Ohio occupied Cumberland Gap on June 18, thereby threatening Knoxville, Maj. Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith, commander of the Confederate Department of East Tennessee, fired off an urgent request for reinforcements to Bragg.

Smith, who graduated from West Point in 1845, was a veteran of the Mexican-American War as well as an Indian fighter who served in the 2nd Cavalry. The native Floridian had been shot in the neck while leading his brigade in spirited fighting on the Confederate left at First Manassas. Promoted to major general upon his recovery, Confederate authorities sent Smith to Knoxville to shore up its defenses. Although loath to reduce the size of his army, Bragg nevertheless sent Maj. Gen. John P. McCown’s 3,000-man division to Smith.

In September, with the Confederate army under Bragg preparing to attack Louisville, the citizens of Louisville panicked. Instead of taking Louisville, Bragg left Bardstown to install Confederate Governor Richard Hawes at Frankfort.

When Halleck divided his forces, Bragg seized the offensive. Leaving Maj. Gen. Sterling Price in command at Tupelo, Bragg embarked his 32,000 men by rail for Chattanooga. To get his army from Tupelo to Chattanooga by rail required taking a circuitous 776-mile route south to Mobile and then northeast via Montgomery and Atlanta to Chattanooga. The first group of Confederates entrained for Chattanooga on June 23.

Bragg and Smith met in Bragg’s hotel room in Chattanooga on July 31 to plan a campaign designed to expel Union forces from Tennessee. First, Smith was to take his 15,000 men and drive Morgan from East Tennesee. Then, Bragg and Smith would unite against Buell in Middle Tennessee. Should Grant reinforce Buell with Union forces in northern Mississippi, then Confederate forces in the Magnolia State under Price and Maj. Gen. Earl Van Dorn could retake western Tennessee.

Bragg, who was born in Warrenton, North Carolina, graduated from West Point in 1837. A veteran of the Second Seminole and Mexican-American Wars, he resigned from the U.S. Army in 1856 and became a sugar planter. His swift rise to the upper echelons of command had much to do with circumstance namely, the untimely death of General Albert S. Johnston at Shiloh and the poor health of General Pierre Gustave Toutant-Beauregard.

The commander of the Army of Mississippi pinned his hopes in part on new recruits from Kentucky swelling his ranks. Brig. Gen. John Hunt Morgan, who had begun raiding from East Tennesee into Kentucky in July, told Bragg that he should expand to receive upward of 25,000 additional men. Smith upended Bragg’s strategic plan almost immediately by setting his sights not on clearing the Yankees from Tennesee, but instead on invading Kentucky. Bragg agreed to participate in an invasion of Kentucky, but only after Smith had driven Morgan from East Tennesee.

On the night of August 13, Smith led his newly named Army of Kentucky north toward the state that bore its name. After detaching Brig. Gen. Carter Stevenson’s division to keep an eye on Morgan’s division at Cumberland Gap, Smith led his troops on a difficult march over treacherous mountain roads to Barboursville, Kentucky. In so doing, Smith cut Morgan’s supply line, which ultimately compelled the Union general to retreat to the Ohio River.

From Barboursville, Smith headed north toward Lexington, Kentucky. Greatly concerned over the Rebel invasion of the Bluegrass State, the Federals scraped together two green brigades to stop them. On August 30, Smith’s men soundly defeated the Yankees at Richmond. Smith’s begrimed soldiers marched into Lexington three days later to the gleeful shouts of citizens waving Confederate flags and cheering for Jefferson Davis.

Bragg, who had reorganized the Army of Mississippi into two wings each of which consisted of two divisions, led his army north from Chattanooga on August 28. As a result of the reorganization, Maj. Gen. Leonidas Polk commanded the right wing and Maj. Gen. William Hardee commanded the left wing. The cavalry was divided into two brigades, one of which was under Brig. Gen. Joe Wheeler and the other under Colonel John Wharton.

When he received word that Bragg was on his way north, Buell marched to Nashville and then to Bowling Green, Kentucky. Bragg’s army stayed ahead of Buell. The vanguard of the Army of Mississippi reached Glasgow, Kentucky, on September 11. In order to cut Buell’s supply line, Maj. Gen. Jones Withers’ division occupied Cave City, Kentucky, thereby threatening Union trains on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad.

The most vulnerable point on Buell’s supply line was Munfordville where 4,000 Federals at Fort Craig guarded the 1,800-foot-long bridge over the Green River. A force of 300 Confederate cavalry under Colonel John Scott reached Munfordville on September 13. Scott demanded that the Federals surrender, but their commander, Colonel John T. Wilder, flatly refused.

Believing Munfordville was lightly held, Scott requested assistance from Brig. Gen. James Chalmers at Cave City 12 miles to the south. Chalmers’ infantry marched to Munfordville to assist Scott. The following day Chalmers’ graybacks repeatedly stormed the fort but failed to capture it. When Bragg learned of the setback, he marched swiftly to Munfordville and besieged the fort. Outnumbered more than five to one, Wilder surrendered the garrison on September 17.

In the interim, Buell’s Army of the Ohio reached Bowling Green on September 14. From there Buell marched toward Bragg’s position at Munfordville, but Bragg had departed for Bardstown where he hoped to rendezvous with Smith.

Confusion gripped the units of Maj. Gen. Alexander McCook’s I Corps as they sought to stem the advance of the right wing of the Confederate army at Perryville. The Confederates sought to punch their way through the Union I Corps to capture Dixville Crossroads and isolate McCook’s corps.

With the road open to Louisville, Buell’s vanguard reached the city on September 25. Buell took the opportunity to rest his worn-out troops and assimilate reinforcements. Halleck was flabbergasted that Buell would dither while the Rebels were rampaging through central Kentucky. Although Halleck, with Lincoln’s approval, took steps to replace Buell with George Thomas, who had been promoted to major general on April 25, he rescinded the order when Thomas reported that Buell was ready to march against the Confederate forces in Kentucky.

Buell’s reinforced army numbered upward of 75,000 troops. The army was organized into three corps, each of which had three divisions. Maj. Gen. Alexander McCook commanded the I Corps, Maj. Gen. Thomas Crittenden commanded the II Corps, and Maj. Gen. Charles Gilbert commanded the III Corps. On October 1, Buell departed Louisville in search of the enemy.

Bragg, whose 30,000 troops were at Bardstown, urgently needed Smith’s 18,000 men to join him in order to give battle to Buell’s much larger Union army. But Smith remained at Lexington. Leaving Polk at Bardstown in command of the Army of Mississippi, Bragg rode to Lexington to assume overall command of the Confederate forces in Kentucky. While in Lexington, Bragg received a message from Polk on October 2 informing him that the Federals were on the move. Believing the Federals were headed for Frankfort, where he was planning the inauguration of the provisional Confederate governor of Kentucky, Bragg intended to hold the Yankees with Smith’s men while Polk struck them in the flank and rear.

Buell sent the divisions of Brigadiers Joshua Sill and Ebenezer Dumont towards Frankfort as a feint. As for the main army, its three corps marched east on separate roads. I Corps marched toward Taylorsville, II Corps toward Bardstown via Mt. Washington, and III Corps toward Bardstown via Shepherdsville.

Polk, who was at Bardstown, received reports that the Federals were converging on his position. He ordered his troops to withdraw east toward the Confederate supply base at Camp Breckinridge east of Harrodsburg. To do so, they would have to pass through the hamlet of Perryville.

After learning of Polk’s move, Bragg ordered the Armies of Kentucky and Mississippi to concentrate in front of Harrodsburg. Bragg then proceeded with the inauguration on October 4. The festivities were cut short when the Federals forced the Confederates to evacuate the Kentucky capital. By nightfall Frankfort was under Union control.

Smith decided not to join Bragg at Harrodsburg instead, he bivouacked near Versailles. He informed Bragg that Lexington was threatened by Federal forces but stated that he was in a good position to cover it. Believing that a large Yankee force was threatening Smith, Bragg reversed course and ordered his army to move north from Harrodsburg and join the Smith’s army to strike a blow against Buell.

But reaching Harrodsburg was proving to be difficult for Maj. Gen. William Hardee’s troops for they were marching through unfamiliar country. As a result, they had no choice but to trail behind Polk’s men on the Springfield Pike. The Rebels soon came under attack by Yankee infantry belonging to Gilbert’s III Corps.

As Buell’s 55,000 men approached Perryville, McCook’s I Corps advanced cautiously along Mackville Pike, Gilbert’s III Corps advanced along Springfield Pike, and Crittenden’s II Corps advanced along Lebanon Pike.

Concerned over the fighting moving his way, Hardee fired off a message to Bragg. “Tomorrow morning early we may expect a fight,” warned Hardee. “If the enemy does not attack us, you ought to unless pressed in another direction send forward all the reinforcements necessary, take command in person, and wipe him out.”

After receiving Hardee’s message that the Federals facing him needed to be wiped out, Bragg ordered Polk to send Maj. Gen. Benjamin Cheatham’s division to support Hardee. Polk arrived at Perryville late in the evening of October 7 and took command of the 17,000 Confederate troops assembled just north of the town. Bragg issued orders for Hardee and Polk to strike the pursuing Federals a hard blow. “Give the enemy battle immediately,” wrote Bragg. “Rout him, and then move to our support at Versailles.”

Believing that he faced the entire Confederate Army of Mississippi, Buell also intended to attack in the morning. As the three columns of Yankees neared Perryville, they not only watched for the enemy but also for water as a severe drought had dried up creeks and waterholes. By nightfall on October 7, III Corps was bivouacked about three miles west of the Confederates on the Springfield Pike.

Having spotted some pools of water in the otherwise dry bed of Doctor’s Creek, a tributary of the Chaplin River, a mile and half away, a group of Yankees slipped off into the night to try to fill their canteens. Unfortunately, they ran headlong into Confederates of the 7th Arkansas of Brig. Gen. St. John Liddell’s brigade. The Arkansas regiment was posted on Peter’s Hill overlooking the creek.

Under cover of darkness, a patrol from the 10th Indiana was sent forward to reconnoiter the Rebel position. Two companies of the 10th Indiana slid past Peters Hill. They ran headlong into Liddell’s men at Bottom Hill, a mile west of Perryville, and exchanged fire with them before falling back.

The next morning Gilbert ordered Colonel Dan McCook’s brigade of Maj. Gen. Phil Sheridan’s division to take Peters Hill and secure the water at that location. They set out shortly after dawn to capture the objective. The rattle of musketry reverberated across the hills as McCook’s Yankees attempted to drive the Arkansans from Peters Hill. Both sides brought up artillery to bolster their infantry.

After an hour-long duel, Liddell counterattacked with the 5th and 7th Arkansas Regiments. When the Confederates were about 200 yards from Peters Hill, the Federal guns opened fire, tearing huge gaps in the gray battle line. The Rebels continued their advance and soon had to brave Federal musket fire at close range. Unable to stand the heavy fire, Liddell’s regiments withdrew into the relative safety of the woods in front of Peters Hill.

Gilbert ordered his 3rd Cavalry Brigade under Brig. Gen. Ebenezer Gay to clear the woods and valley of enemy soldiers in front of McCook. Gay reluctantly ordered his 2nd Michigan Cavalry, supported by the 9th Pennsylvania Cavalry, to advance dismounted against the Confederates in the woods. To assist Gilbert, Sheridan summoned Lt. Col. Bernard Laiboldt’s brigade and ordered its commander to move into position to support McCook.

The Rebel infantry laid down heavy fire. To make matters worse, Confederate artillery on Bottom Hill began shelling the exposed troopers. Despite their tenacious defense, the Federal troopers soon fell back among the trees that lined the dry bed of Bull Run Creek.

Sheridan then ordered Lt. Col. Bernard Laiboldt to commit two regiments from his brigade. Laiboldt sent the 2nd Missouri and the 44th Illinois into the fray with orders to push back the Rebels. With mounting pressure applied by Laiboldt’s troops and those of Brig. Gen. Speed Fry’s brigade, Liddell’s men requested permission to withdraw from Bottom Hill. Their request was granted.

At that point, Gilbert arrived on Peters Hill and noticed that Sheridan’s troops had captured Bottom Hill. He ordered Sheridan to recall his men to Peters Hill and remain on the defensive until a general advance was ordered.

To the north, McCook’s I Corps deployed for battle. They were two hours behind schedule. Brig. Gen. James Jackson sent his two brigades to deploy on the left, while Brig. Gen. Lovell Rousseau put his three brigades into line on the right. By 1:30 pm all of McCook’s troops were on hand. The tardy arrival of his I and II Corps compelled Buell to postpone his attack until the following morning.

The Federals were not the only ones behind schedule. When Bragg arrived at midmorning, his mood turned sour when he learned that Polk had taken a defensive stance rather than an offensive one. Unaware that he faced the entire Army of the Ohio, Bragg considered it sufficient to leave two infantry brigades and Wheeler’s cavalry brigade to face the Federal II and III Corps, which were situated south of Doctor’s Creek. Bragg intended to use six brigades of Hardee’s left wing to supplement the main attack against McCook’s I Corps. He issued orders for the troops to attack en echelon at 1 pm. An en echelon attack, in this instance, consisted of having one brigade attack first, followed after an interval by a second, and so forth down the line until all brigades had been committed.

While Hardee’s wing crossed the Chaplin River, Cheatham’s 4,500-man division marched north to Walker’s Bend on the Chaplin River. The division comprised the brigades of George Maney, Preston Smith, Daniel Donelson, and A.P. Stewart. Although woods and hilly terrain kept the Confederate columns out of sight from the Federals, the Rebels’ kicked up a large dust cloud as they tramped along the dirt roads. Some of the Federals who spotted the dust clouds misinterpreted the movement for a Confederate retreat. They would soon learn otherwise.

Confederate guns began a preliminary bombardment at 12:30 pm. Federal guns soon responded. Reaching their assigned jump-off point at Walker’s Bend, Cheatham’s men prepared to attack. The native Tennessean assigned Brig. Gen. Donelson’s brigade to spearhead the attack. Stewart and Maney were to follow at 150-yard intervals.

But Polk received disturbing intelligence from Wharton. The astute cavalry commander had spotted a previously unseen column of Federal infantry marching along the Mackville Road to reinforce the Federal left. Polk feared that the new Federal column could turn his right flank. He preferred that it move into position before he launched his attack, and for that reason, he temporarily postponed the attack.

When the Confederate guns ceased fire, Bragg waited in vain for Cheatham’s attack. Disgruntled by the delay, he rode over to investigate. Polk explained the situation, and Bragg concurred with his decision.

Donelson’s men moved into position atop the bluffs at Walker’s Bend at 2 pm. The 15th and 16th Tennessee Regiments swept forward toward Captain Samuel Harris’s 19th Indiana Battery Light Artillery and Colonel George Webster’s brigade. The Tennesseans struggled to keep their lines intact as they moved over the rugged terrain.

The 19th Indiana Light Artillery, supported by the 80th Indiana Regiment, fires on Confederates advancing directly south of the Benton Road.

Colonel John Savage’s 16th Tennessee pushed ahead of the rest of the brigade. The Federal guns opened great holes in their line. Instead of striking the left flank of McCook’s line of battle, the Tennesseans actually struck his center. As a result, they took fire from three directions.

Brigadier General William R. Terrill’s brigade anchored the extreme Federal left. Moving up behind it on the Benton Road at the time of the Confederate attack was Colonel John Starkweather’s brigade. Colonel George Webster’s brigade was recessed in the middle at Widow Gibson’s House. To Webster’s right, the brigades of Colonel Leonard Harris and Colonel William Lytle were formed into line of battle north of Doctor’s Creek with Lytle’s brigade astride the Mackville Road. Donelson thus received fire from elements of the brigades of Terrill, Webster, and Harris.

The 15th Tennessee shifted to the left of Savage’s regiment. The Tennesseans were screaming the Rebel yell as they made for a gap in the Federal line near the Widow Gibson’s Farm. The Rebels took possession of the outbuildings and exchanged fire with the Yankees to their front. The Federals plugged the gap. The weight of the Federal numbers became too much for Donelson’s Brigade. After enduring a terrible fire for 30 minutes, Donelson’s men fell back to their starting point.

Cheatham then ordered Maney to assist Donelson. Maney arguably was the best brigadier general in Bragg’s army, having served in both the eastern and western theaters. He commanded 1,500 men organized into five regiments. The four Tennessee regiments were veterans of Shiloh, but the 41st Georgia was a green regiment.

Quickly forming up the 6th Tennessee, 9th Tennessee, and green 41st Georgia, Maney sent them over a wooded ridge toward Open Knob. His other two regiments, the 1st Tennesee and 27th Tennessee, which had not yet reached the starting point, would have to catch up with the lead regiments.

Colonel James Monroe’s inexperienced 123rd Illinois, which was posted atop Open Knob with Lieutenant Charles Parsons’ Independent Battery, opened fire on Maney’s men as they emerged from the wooded ridge 100 yards to the east. Maney’s Rebels charged through canister fire to reach the top of Open Knob. A close-quarters fight ensued for control of Parsons’ guns during which Union Brig. Gen. James S. Jackson was slain as he tried to rally the 123rd Illinois. Maney’s men drove the Federals from Open Knob and captured seven of Parsons’ eight guns.

To the left of Cheatham’s divisions, two brigades of Brig. Gen. James Patton Anderson’s division of Hardee’s left wing began their advance as part of the Confederate right wing’s attack. Colonel Thomas Jones’s brigade spearheaded the Confederate assault aimed at Harris’s brigade.

The 21st Wisconsin Regiment struggles to check the advance of Confederate Brig. Gen. George Maney’s hard-driving soldiers in a cornfield. Maney’s troops repeatedly shattered Union positions despite coming under severe artillery fire.

The Federal fire proved too deadly for the attacking Confederates. Jones’s Magnolia Staters retreated under the withering fire. Next up was Brig. Gen. John Brown’s mixed brigade of Floridians and Mississippians. They rushed to the farthest point that Jones’s men had reached at which time Brown ordered them to fire from the prone position on the Federals. Both sides blazed away at each other, inflicting heavy casualties.

Major General Simon Buckner, who commanded Hardee’s 3rd Division, had four brigades led by Brigadiers Patrick Cleburne, Bushrod Johnson, St. John Liddell, and Sterling Wood. Buckner assigned Johnson’s Tennesseans to spearhead the attack. Just before Johnson set off with his men, Buckner ordered him to oblique to the left to give his men more cover from the terrain. But not all of Johnson’s regiments received the revised orders. The result was that there were major gaps between the regiments during the brigade’s attack. To make matters worse, they came under friendly artillery fire.

With matters straightened out, Johnson’s Tennesseans crossed the dry bed of Doctor’s Creek. They ran headlong into the startled Yankees of the 42nd Indiana who were scooping up water from the few remaining puddles in the empty creek bed. The Rebels pushed on for Colonel William Lytle’s brigade positioned to the right of Harris’s line on high ground near the home of Henry Bottom. The Confederates soon were hit by a vicious volley from the Federals.

The Tennesseans filed into position behind a stone wall near the Bottom House. The men hurriedly loaded their rifled muskets and began blazing away at the 3rd Ohio on high ground on the west bank of the creek. An artillery shell whistled through the air and slammed into Henry Bottom’s barn. Flames leaped skyward as the structure burst into flames. With only a few hours of daylight left, Brig. Gen. Patrick Cleburne’s brigade advanced to assist Johnson’s men, who were out of ammunition and pinned down behind a stone wall. The 3rd Ohio also was running low on ammunition. Colonel Curran Pope’s 15th Kentucky Infantry moved up to relieve the Ohioans.

Deployed to the left of Buckner’s division were the graybacks of Brig. Gen. Daniel Adams brigade of Anderson’s division. They struck the right flank of the 15th Kentucky, forcing part of the regiment, as well as the men of Colonel John Beatty’s 3rd Ohio, to face them. The Federals fixed bayonets in preparation for hand-to-hand combat.

Cleburne’s graybacks swept past the stone wall and up the hill, shells screaming down on them. The shells were not from Federal guns, but rather from their own guns. Some of Cleburne’s men were wearing captured blue pants from Union Army uniforms, and the Rebel gunners mistook the troops for Federals. Confederate officers soon put a stop to the errant shelling.

With the brigades of Cleburne and Adams advancing on his right flank and center, Lytle knew he could not check another Rebel attack. He therefore ordered the 3rd Ohio and 15th Kentucky to withdraw toward the Russell House, near Dixville Crossroads, where they could refill their cartridge boxes from the ammunition wagons there.

With Lytle falling back to his left, Harris also knew he would have to fall back as well. By this time Brown’s men had been resupplied with ammunition and resumed their attack. Brig. Gen. Sterling Wood’s brigade of Buckner’s division joined the action, while Donelson’s brigade and part of Brig. Gen. Alexander Stewart’s brigade joined the advance.

Cleburne’s main battle line continued its advance. Lytle was attempting to form another line when the Cleburne’s skirmishers popped over the ridge. The Yankees fired a volley in the mistaken belief that they were firing on Cleburne’s battle line. Before the bluecoats could reload, Cleburne’s brigade came up. It fired a volley at Lytle’s line and then charged against it. Lytle’s line broke under the pressure.

While trying to establish a rear guard, Lytle was wounded and captured. With the brigades of Lytle and Harris in full retreat, Hardee’s men pushed on toward Dixville Crossroads, the intersection of the Mackville and Benton Roads. If the Confederates could secure the crossroads, McCook would be cut off from the rest of Buell’s army.

At his headquarters two miles to the south, Buell was unaware of the danger facing McCook’s corps. Due to the hills surrounding his headquarters, Buell and his staff could neither hear the battle nor see it. It was not until 4 pm that a member of McCook’s staff arrived and informed the Union commander of the magnitude of the threat facing I Corps. The stunned commander immediately ordered Gilbert to send two brigades from his corps to assist McCook.

The situation on McCook’s left was grim. After taking Open Knob, Maney’s brigade continued its advance. Maney’s Rebels engaged Starkweather’s brigade, part of which was deployed on a hill near the Benton Road. The hill became known after the battle as Starkweather’s Hill.

Having received two devastating volleys from the 21st Wisconsin situated in a cornfield in front of Starkweather’s Hill, Maney’s Rebels shattered the Wisconsinites’ cohesion and sent them fleeing for the rear. With the assistance of Stewart’s brigade, Maney’s Rebels continued their westward advance in an attempt to secure Starkweather’s Hill.

Two Federal batteries fired canister at close range into the ranks of the attackers. Despite the carnage the Rebels suffered, they pushed on to the crest of the hill. The Rebels sought to capture Battery A of the Kentucky Light Artillery. An intense hand-to-hand melee ensued in which the men of both sides wielded clubbed muskets and bayonets in a struggle for control of the guns.

A handful of the Wisconsinites ignored the hail of lead to help work four guns that were firing double canister at the attacking Rebels. The gunners were supported by bluecoats from the 1st Wisconsin and the 79th Pennsylvania of Starkweather’s brigade whose stinging volleys helped drive off the Confederates.

But the Confederates regrouped and launched a fresh assault. The Federal guns were “mangling and tearing men to pieces,” wrote Private Sam Watkins of the 1st Tennessee Infantry of Maney’s brigade. Another melee ensued for control of the 4th Battery of the Indiana Artillery. A Rebel battery began shelling Starkweather’s position, killing and wounding large numbers of his men. One of these was Terrill, who suffered a mortal wound.

Fearing that he could not repulse another attack, Starkweather withdrew 300 yards to the west where his brigade took up a new position atop a steep ridge. Starkweather knew he had to stop the Rebel advance, for Dixville Crossroads was only a half mile behind his second position.

Brigadier General Lovell Rousseau, a native of the Bluegrass State, rallies members of the 15th Kentucky Regiment in a painting by eyewitness correspondent William DeLaney Travis.

The Confederates renewed their attack on Starkweather’s Hill in a fresh attempt to capture the Federal guns. Having lost the battery horses to enemy fire, Federal artillerymen and infantrymen dragged six guns and caissons to the new position. Other Federal units rushed to assist Starkweather’s hard-pressed troops. The Federal infantry now stood six deep behind a stone wall. The Federals’ heavy musketry punished the worn-out Confederates.

Cheatham’s attack was spent by 4:30 pm. His graybacks lacked the strength and numbers to make a third assault. McCook’s left flank had bent, but it had not broken.

With the sun dipping low in the sky, sporadic fighting continued on McCook’s right as Hardee’s troops tried their best to reach Dixville Crossroads. The Federals withdrew to Russell House, which was McCook’s headquarters, and established a new line from which to make a last stand. To encourage the men, Rousseau walked up and down the line of battle waving his cap back and forth atop his sword in an effort to rally his exhausted troops.

Having received two wounds, Cleburne led his troops to within 75 yards of the beleaguered Yankees when enemy artillery shells began to explode around them. By that point, Cleburne’s Rebels had moved beyond the units on their flanks, thus exposing them to enfilading fire. For that reason, as well as the need for more ammunition, Cleburne halted his attack.

Wood’s Rebels continued their advance. In the process of assaulting Rousseau’s line, they ran headlong into the newly arrived brigade of Colonel Michael Gooding, which belonged to Brig. Gen. Robert Byington Mitchell’s division. Gilbert had sent Gooding into action with orders to assist McCook. Vicious fighting raged as the Federals sought to shatter Wood’s brigade. Lt. Col. Squire Isham Keith’s 22nd Indiana repulsed the Rebels.

Hardee fed Liddell’s brigade into the fight in a last-ditch effort to break the Federal lines. Tramping over the rolling terrain in the growing darkness, Liddell’s men exchanged fire with the 22nd Indiana as the Hoosiers repositioned themselves to the left of Gooding’s brigade. Lt. Col. Keith believed that his men were trading fire in the gloaming with another Federal regiment. He shouted to his men that they were firing on friends and ordered them to stop.

Polk spurred his horse forward in order to determine the identity of the troops in his immediate front. He was shocked to learn it was the 22nd Indiana. When Keith asked Polk who he was, Polk tried to bluff his way out of the predicament. “I’ll soon show you who I am sir, cease firing, sir, at once,” he said. After riding along the enemy’s battle line, Polk rode to Liddell’s position. “General, every mother’s son of them are Yankees!” he shouted. “Open fire!”

Liddell’s graybacks poured hot lead into the Yankees. Three volleys felled two-thirds of the Hoosiers. Gooding, who rode up just in time to witness the carnage, was soon captured as the survivors of the 22nd Indiana fled the field.

With victory seemingly within reach, Liddell wanted to pursue the beaten Yankees. To his left, Liddell heard the enemy soldiers cheering as Brig. Gen. James Steedman’s brigade arrived on the field. The arrival of fresh Yankees broke Polk’s will to continue fighting. “I want no more fighting tonight,” he told Liddell.

The fighting on the southern sector was on a much smaller scale than that of the northern sector. Brig. Gen. Phil Sheridan’s division had repulsed an attack by Colonel Samuel Powell’s brigade of Anderson’s division. When Powell’s brigade withdrew, Colonel William P. Carlin’s brigade pursued Powell’s graybacks to Perryville and secured the west side the town.

Both sides claimed victory. The Confederates suffered 3,173 casualties, while the Federals suffered 3,805. Yet Bragg sustained proportionally the heavier casualties (20 percent compared to 7.7 percent) of the total force engaged. By the time the fighting ended, Bragg became aware that he had faced Buell’s entire army.

With the Federals poised to cut off Bragg’s escape route south, the Confederate commander issued orders for an immediate retreat. As for Buell, he failed to vigorously pursue Bragg’s army. For that reason, Halleck replaced him with Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans on October 24. The change in command occurred the same day that the dejected Confederates marched through Cumberland Gap into Tennesee. Kentucky remained firmly within the Union.

James Patton ANDERSON, Congress, WA (1822-1872)

ANDERSON James Patton , a Delegate from the Territory of Washington born near Winchester, Franklin County, Tenn., February 16, 1822 was graduated from Jefferson College, Canonsburg, Pa., in 1842 moved to Kentucky studied law at Montrose Law School, Frankfort, Ky. was admitted to the bar and practiced in Hernando, Miss., from 1842 to 1846 raised a company of volunteers for the Mexican War elected lieutenant colonel of the Second Battalion, Mississippi Rifles, and served in that capacity until the close of the war member of the State house of representatives in 1850 appointed United States marshal for the Territory of Washington in 1853 and settled in Olympia elected as a Democrat to the Thirty-fourth Congress (March 4, 1855-March 3, 1857) was not a candidate for renomination in 1856 appointed Governor of the Territory of Washington by President Buchanan in 1857, but declined the office moved to his plantation, ``Casabianca,'' near Monticello, Fla., the same year served in the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States during the Civil War entered the Confederate Army as colonel of the First Regiment, Florida Infantry appointed brigadier general February 10, 1862 promoted to major general February 17, 1864, and assigned to the command of the district of Florida after the close of the war settled in Memphis, Tenn., and conducted a publication devoted to agriculture collector of delinquent State taxes for Shelby County died in Memphis, Tenn., September 20, 1872 interment in Elmwood Cemetery.

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